Conference
Culture Archives and the State: Between Nationalism, Socialism, and the Global Market
The Center for Folklore Studies Spring Colloquium
Abstracts
Ahmadzada and Sakata
The Archives of Radio Afghanistan was established in the early 1960s. As an official organ of the premier State media, Radio Afghanistan, and later, Radio-Television Afghanistan, its policies and direction have always been guided, if not determined, by politics. Mr. Ahmadzada will give a brief historical background of the institution from its inception through the various governments including a constitutional monarchy, a socialist and later a communist republic, a government of various Mujahiddin factions, and the infamous Taliban. Lorraine Sakata will discuss current efforts to preserve and make internationally accessible, the rich musical and historical tapes in the Archives.Branda
My paper will focus on the Archive of Folklore in Cluj (situated in Transylvania, western Romania), founded in the interwar period (1930) by Ion Muslea. I will concentrate on the period between 1949 and 1989, decades of deep ideological pressure and control. I am going to analyze the strategies adopted by the totalitarian state in order to impose certain research topics as well as the particular application of ideological censorship to this field. The paper also focuses on the strategies of survival the researchers adopted in such conditions. First of all, I will focus on the period 1949-1964, with its specific difficulties, then 1964-1989, explaining such a split approach.Chatterji
The paper examines the relationship between history, folklore and the constitution of national identity viewed from a location in one region - Bengal. In the first section I discuss the significance of folklore as a historical source for modern Bengali intellectuals and its role in constituting Bengal's national culture. In the second section I examine some of the controversies around the texts whose 'discovery' in the early decades of the 20th century continues to trouble the notion of a linear and progressive history that is associated with the development of a national literature out of folklore. I conclude by considering some of the ways in which the folklore archive may address its subjects. I suggest that in India as in most other parts of the world, contemporary folk culture has been shaped by the practices of folklorists and it is no longer possible to study practices without locating them within self-reflexive circuits of knowledge and power.Gao
I’ll talk about the relationship between Chinese intellectual and political elites and common people, ideological sphere and everyday life, based on a brief narration of two transitions of everyday life and cultural survivals in China: one is the modern transition of the Chinese traditional everyday life which was narrowed into the conception of folklore (1840-1950), and then left as survivals after the socialist purification of “outdated” folklore (1950-1976); another is the postmodern transition of the survivals which was revived as the folklore of peasants and then reinvented into everyday life as public(since 1976). My main data are from the history of Chinese traditional festivals from disappearing as degenerative cultural survivals to re-appearing as intangible heritage.Harvilahti
My intention is, to begin with, to give an idea about the ideological background of Romanticism as an impetus for collecting of folklore materials at the beginning of the 19th Century. The romantic trends that spread throughout Europe began to be felt more and more strongly in Finland too. At that time Finland was an autonomous grand duchy under the Russian tsar (from 1809). Romanticism arose a need for recreating or reconstructing mythical past, poetic landscapes of golden age. In the latter half of the 19 Century the romantic, nationalistically inspired movement aimed mostly (as in the case of Finland) at supporting the nation-state status.The organized collection of folklore began in the first half of the 19th century. The major milestone in the history of collecting and protecting the Finnish traditional heritage was the founding of the Finnish Literature Society in 1831 by members of educated circles. Elias Lönnrot (the Society's first secretary) compiled the Finnish national epic, the Kalevala, on the basis of traditional folk poetry. The first edition appeared in 1835, the second and greatly enlarged edition in 1849. Lönnrot also edited lyric poetry, proverbs, riddles and spells for publication. The poems and charms in Kalevala meter were joined at the end of the century by collections of folktales. In the 1870s researchers already thought that everything of any importance had been collected, and around 1900 the folklore archive of the Finnish Literature Society had already about 200,000 "items" of folklore.
Finland gained its independence, finally, in 1917 during the First World War. In a civil war that followed in 1918, the socialist forces were defeated, and Finland became a parliamentary republic. The large-scale collection work of oral tradition did not, however, end up together with the weakening national romantic current. By 1930 the figure of the archived folklore items already stood at more than 500,000. The wide-scale collection work continued in the new ideological setting in the 1930s by legends, and encompassed gradually all fields of agrarian folklore, proverbs and riddles, the belief tradition, laments. In 1934 the Society's folklore collections were consolidated into a research institution known as the Folklore Archive. The first director, Martti Haavio, organized a major collection campaign on prose genres. Since then, collecting campaigns have been a productive channel for collecting folklore materials. Various target groups have been encouraged to write their responses to the archive. The collecting campaigns have tended to focus on some previously unexplored area of the life of the people. In 1965, a collection of material associated with the events of the 1918 Civil War was organized. This was the beginning of a rapidly growing tendency of gathering material related to oral history and autobiographical research, a collecting method that is still, among other methods, used in our Archives.
Kirin
Besides the archives of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts (HAZU), the Ethnographic Museum and the Dept. of Ethnology at the Faculty of Humanities in Zagreb, the Documentation of the Institute of the Ethnology and Folklore Research is the most important archive of folk heritage and popular culture in Croatia from 1947 until present day. My contribution examines the changes of its content, organizational scheme and utilization according to the changes of theoretical approaches, fieldwork methodology, research topics and the notion of fieldwork per se, having in mind the post-socialist, democratic transformation of Croatian society burdened with the aggression, the war induced nationalism and the destructions of material and cultural heritage during the 1990s. The communist’s censorship in the former Yugoslavia does not mean the direct interfering of the ideological apparatus into the research policy of a marginal scientific institution. More important for cultural advocacy was the epistemological confinement and "cognitive control" over the ethnographic documents following the discipline’s immanent shifts and changing priorities – from national, folk or autochthonous to popular, quotidian and mass culture, from ethnographic objects in situ to communicational phenomena in context. As a matter of fact, during 1940s and 1950s, the institute was the state-sponsored ‘shelter’ for nationalist and clerical intellectuals, writers and musicologists, and for a long time it did not even have the three Communist party members to meet that minimum demand for making a party cell. Having broad, humanistic education, Croatian folklorists and ethnologists accepted the Marxist critique of new mythical beliefs, religion and ethnocentrism, but they rejected the notion of specific "proletarian" culture and continued to record all kinds of oral genres, costumes and performances within "the drama of quotidian" with their capacity to signify ethnic, religious or local identities. Just like their colleagues in the Eastern Bloc they remained dead to political rituals, ceremonies, commemorations, entertainment industry and propaganda activities that built up the coherent symbolic universe of the fragmented social body of the federal Yugoslav state.The fact that the IEF Documentation – besides its abundant resources of 2,000 manuscripts, 3,466 audio-recordings, 1,316 video-recordings and 60,000 photographs – offers next to nothing to those interested in popular subjects of the cultural history of socialism – the development of tourism and consumerism in socialist Croatia, its educational policy, its public/private religious practices, its internal migrations and emigration, gender roles in everyday practices, ethnonationak identifications, political symbolism and rituals – does not reflect some Croatian ethnographic curiosity. It rather bears witness to the fact that the cultural archive produces as much as it records cultural artefacts and that researchers’ self-censorship as well as their "disciplinary blindness" determines the structure of the archivable content in its relation to the past and future. The structure of the IEF archive demonstrates that the socialist period was not the era of big revolutionary changes and social shifts, but a short, disturbing episode in a centuries long life of the small (rural more than urban) communities in constant search for their imagined collective identities, integrity and heritage that can be displayed, performed or celebrated in the new global market of cultural products, often under the roof of the ruined but protected "industrial heritage".
